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»!L WEBSTER'S SPEECH 



IN ANSWER TO Mr. CALHOUN, 



MARCH 22, 1S3S. 






.W4W24 






SPEECH. 



On Thursday, the 22d of March, Mr. Calhoun spoke at length in 
answer to Mr. Webster's speech of March 12. 

When he had concluded, Mr. Webster immediately rose, and 
addressed tfie Senate os follows: 

Mr. President : 

I came rather late to the Senate this morning, 
and happening to meet a friend on the avenue, I was admonished by 
him to hasten my steps, as " the war was to be carried into Africa," 
and I was expected to be annihilated. I lost no time in following 
the advice, sir, since it would be awkward for one to be annihilated 
without knowing any thing about it. 

Well, sir, the war has been brought into Africa. The honorable 
member has made an expedition into regions as distant from the 
subject of this debate as the orb of Jupiter from that of our earth. 
He has spoken of the tariff, of slavery, and of the late war. Of all 
this I do not complain. On the contrary, if it be his pleasure to al- 
lude to all, or any of these topics, for any purpose whatever, I am 
ready at all times to hear him. 

Sir, this carrying the war into Africa, which has become so com- 
mon a phrase among us, is, indeed, imitating a great example; but it 
is an example which is not always followed by success. In the first 
place, sir, every man, though he be a man of talent and genius, is 
not a Scipio ; and in the next place, as I recollect this part of Roman 
and Carthaginian history — the gentleman may be more accurate — 
but as I recollect it, when Scipio resolved upon carrying the war into 
Africa, Hannibal was not at home. Now, sir, I am very little like 
Hannibal, but I am at home ; and when Scipio Africanus South Car- 
olinaensis brings the war into my territories, I shall not leave their 
defence to Asdrubal, nor Syphax, nor any body else. I meet him on 
the shore, at his landing, and propose but one contest. 

" Concurritur ; 
" Aut cita mors, aut victoria laeta." 

Mr. President, I had made up my mind that if the honorable gen- 
tleman should confine himself to a reply, in the ordinary way, I 
would not say another syllable. But he has not done so. He has 
gone off into subjects quite remote from all connexion with revenue, 



commerce, finance, or sub-treasaries, and invites to a discussion 
which, however uninteresting to the public at the present moment, is 
too personal to be declined by me. 

He says, sir, that I had undertaken to compare my political charac- 
ter and conduct with his. Far from it. I attempted no such thing. I 
compared the gentleman's political opinions at different times, with 
one another,and expressed decided opposition to those which he now 
holds. And 1 did, certainly, advert to the general tone and drift of the 
gentleman's sentiments and expressions, foi years past, in t heir 

bearing on the Union, with such remarks as I rhoughl they deserved ; 
but 1 instituted no comparison between him and m He may in- 

stitute one, if he pleases, and when he pleases. Seeking nothing of 
this kind, I avoid nothing. Let it be remembered, that the gentleman 
began the debate, by attempting to exhibil a contrast between the 
present opinions and conduct of my friends and myself, arid our re- 
cent opinions and conduct. Here is the first charge of inconsistency ; 
let the public judge, whether he has made it good. He says. sir. that 
on several questions 1 have taken different sides, at different times : 
let him show it. If he shows any change of opinion, I shall be 
called on to give a reason, and to account for it. I leave it to the 
country to say whether, as yet, he has shown any such thin 

But, sir, before attempting that, he has something else to say. He 
had prepared, it seems, to draw comparisons himself. 1 fe had intend- 
ed to say something, if time had allowed, upon our respective opinions 
and conduct in regard to the war. It time had allowed ! Sir. time does 
allow — time must allow. A general remark pf that kind might not to 
be, cannot be, left to produce its effect, when that effect is obA iously 
intended to he unfavorable. Why did the gentleman allude to my 
votes, or my opinions, respecting the war, al nil. unless he had some- 
thing to say? Does he wish to leave an undefined impression that 
something was done, or something said, by me, not now capable of 
defence or justification ? something not reconcileable with true patriot- 
ism ? He means that, or nothing. And now. sir. lei him bring the 
matter forth: let him take the responsibility of the accusation: 
let him state his tacts, 1 am here to answer : I am here, this day, 
to answer. Now is the time, and now the hour. I think we read, 
sir, that one of the good spirits would not bring against the arch 
enemy of mankind a railing accusation : and whal is railing, bill 
general reproach — an imputation, without fact, tune, or circumstance? 
Sir. 1 call for particulars. The gentleman knows my whole conduct 
well : indeed, the journals show it all, from the momenl 1 came into 
Congress till the peace,, [f 1 have done, then, sir, any thing unpat- 
riotic — any thing winch, as far as love to country goes, will riot hear 
comparison with Ins. or any man's conduct — let it now be stated. 
Give me the fact, the time, the ma unci. He speaks of the war: that 
which we call the late war, though it is now twenty-five years since 
it terminated. He would leave an impression that 1 opposed it. 

How? I was not In Congress when war was declared, norm public 

life,, any where. 1 was pursuing my profession, and keeping com- 



pany with judges, sheriffs, and jurors, and plaintiffs and defendants. 
It" I had been in Congress, and had enjoyed the benefit of hearing 
the honorable gentleman's speeches, for all I can say, I might have 
concurred with him. But I was not in public life. I never had 
been, for a single hour ; and was in no situation, therefore, to oppose 
or to support the declaration of war. I am speaking to the fact, sir; 
and if the gentleman has any fact, let us know it. 

Well, sir, I came into Congress during the war. I found it waged, 
and raging. And what did I do here to oppose it ? Look to the 
journals. Let the honorable gentleman tax his memory. Bring up 
any thing, if there be any thing to bring up — not showing error of 
opinion, but showing want of loyalty or fidelity to the country. I 
did not agree to all that was proposed, nor did the honorable mem- 
ber. I did not approve of every measure, nor did he. 

The war had been preceded by the restrictive system, and the em- 
bargo. As a private individual, I certainly did not think well of these 
measures. It appeared to me the embargo annoyed us as much as 
our enemies, while it destroyed the business and cramped the spirits 
of the people. 

In this opinion I may have been right or wrong, but the gentleman 
was himself of the same opinion. He told us, the other day, as a 
proof of his independence of party, on great questions, that he differed 
with his friends on the subject of the embargo. He was decidedly 
and unalterably opposed to it. It furnishes, in his judgment, there- 
fore, no imputation either on my patriotism, or the soundness of my 
political opinions, that I was opposed to it also. I mean opposed iia 
opinion : for I was not in Congress, and had nothing to do with the 
act creating the embargo. And as to opposition to measures for car- 
rying on the war, after I came into Congress, I again say, let the 
gentleman specify — let him lay his finger on any thing, calling for an 
answer, and he shall have an answer. 

Mr. President, you were yourself in the House during a considerable 
part of this time. The honorable gentleman may make a witness of you. 
He may make a witness of any body else. He may be his own witness. 
Give us but some fact, some charge, something capable in itself either 
of being proved or disproved. Prove any thing, state any thing, not 
consistent with honorable and patriotic conduct, and I am ready 
to answer it. Sir, I am glad this subject has been alluded to, in 
a manner which justifies me in taking public notice of it; because I 
am well aware that, for ten years past, infinite pains have been taken 
to find something, in the range of these topics, which might <reate 
prejudice against me in the country. The journals have all been 
poured over, and the reports ransacked, and scraps of paragraphs, 
and half sentences have been collected, put together in the falsest 
manner, and then made to flare out, as if there had been some dis- 
covery. But all this failed. The next resort was to supposed cor- 
respondence. My letters were sought for, to learn if in the colifidence 
of private friendship I had never said anv thing which an enemy 
could make use of. With this view, the vicinity of my former resi- 



6 

dence has been searched, as with a lighted candle. New Hampshire 
lias beqa explored, from the mouth of the Merrimack to the White 
Hills. In one instance a gentleman had Left the State. 2;one five 
hundred miles off, and died. His papers were examined — a letter 
was found, and I have understood it was brought to Washington — 
a conclave was held to consider it, and the result was, that if there 
was nothing else against Mr. Webster, the matter had better be let 
alone. Sir, I hope to make every body of that opinion who brings 
against me a charge of want of patriotism. Errors of opinion can 
be found, doubtless, on many subjects; hut as conduct flows from the 
feelings which animate the heart. I know that no act of my life has 
had its origin in the want of ardent love of country. 

Sir, when I came to Congress, I found the honorable gentleman a 
leading member of the House of Representatives. Well, sir, in what 
did we differ ? One of the first measures of magnitude, after I came 
hen;, was Mr. Dallas's proposition for a bank. It was a war meas- 
ure. It was urged as being absolutely necessary to enable Gov- 
ernment to carry on the war. Government wanted revenue — such 
a bank it was hoped would furnish it; and on that account it v. 
most warmly pressed and urged on Congress. You remember all 
this, Mr. President. You remember how much some persons sup- 
posed the success of the Avar and the salvation of the country de- 
pended on carrying that measure. Yet, the honorable member from 
South Carolina opposed this bill He now takes to himself a good 
deal of merit — none too much, but still a good deal of merit, for hav- 
ing defeated it. Well, sir, I agreed with him. It was a mere paper 
bank — a mere machine for fabricating irredeemable paper. It was 
anew form for paper money; and instead of benefiting the country, 
I thought it would plunge it deeper and deeper in difficulty. I made 
a speech on the subject ; It has often been quoted. There it is; let 
whoever pleases, read and examine it. I am not proud of it. for any 
ability it exhibits; on the other hand, I am not ashamed of it. for 
the spirit which it manifests. Hnt. sir. I say again, that the gentle- 
man himself took the Lead, against this measure — this darling meas- 
ure of the Administration. 1 followed him; it' I was seduced into 
error, or into unjustifiable opposition, there sits my seducer. 

What, sir, were other Leading sentiments, or Leading measures of 
that day ? On what other subjects did men differ ? The gentleman 
has adverted to one. and thai a most important one: 1 mean the 
navy. Lie says, and s;iys truly, that at the commencement of the 
war, the navy was unpopular. It was unpopular with his friends, 
who then controlled the politics of the country. But he says he dif- 
fered with his friends; in this respect, he resisted party influence, and 
party connexion, and was the friend and advocate o\' the navy. Sir, I 
commend him for it. lie showed bis wisdom. Thai gallant little 
na\ v soon fought itself into favor, and showed that no man, who had 
placed reliance on it, had been disappointed. 

Well, sir, iii all this, I was exactly of the same opinion as the 
honorable gentleman. 



Sir, I do not know when my opinion of the importance of a naval 
force to the United States had its origin. I can give no date to my 
sentiments on this subject, because I never entertained difFerent sen- 
timents. I remember, sir, that immediately after coming into my 
profession, at a period when the navy was most unpopular, when it 
was called by all sorts of hard names, and designated by many coarse 
epithets, on one of those occasions, on which young men address their 
neighbors, I ventured to put forth a boy's hand in defence of the navy. 
I insisted on its importance, its adaptation to our circumstances, and 
to our national character ; and its indispensable necessity, if we in- 
tended to maintain and extend our commerce. These opinions and 
sentiments I brought into Congress ; and, so far as I remember, it was 
the first, or among the first times, in which I presumed to speak on 
the topics of the day, that I attempted to urge on the House a greater 
attention to the naval service. There were divers modes of prose- 
cuting the war. On these modes, or on the degree of attention and 
expense which should be bestowed on each, different men held differ- 
ent opinions. I confess I looked with most hope to the results of 
naval warfare, and therefore I invoked Government to invigorate 
and strengthen that arm of the national defence. I invoked it to seek 
its enemy upon the seas — to go where every auspicious indication 
pointed, and where the whole heart and soul of the country would 
go with it. 

Sir, we were at war with the greatest maritime Power on earth. 
England had gained an ascendency on the seas over the whole com- 
bined Powers of Europe. She had been at war twenty years. She 
had tried her fortunes on the continent, but generally with no suc- 
cess. At one time the whole continent had been closed against her. A 
long line of armed exterior, an unbroken hostile array, frowned 
upon her from the gulf of Archangel, round the promontory of Spain 
and Portugal, to the foot of the boot of Italy. There was not a 
port, which an English ship could enter. Every where on the land 
the genius of her great enemy had triumphed. He had defeated 
armies, crushed coalitions, and overturned thrones; but, like the 
fabled giant, he was unconquerable only while he touched the land. 
On the ocean, he was powerless. That field of fame was his ad- 
versary's, and her meteor flag was streaming in triumph all over it. 

To her maritime ascendency, England owed every thing, and we 
were now at war with her. One of the most charming of her poets 
had said of her, that 

' ' Her march is o'er the mountain wave, 
" Her home is on the deep." 

Now, sir, since we were at war with her, I was for intercepting 
this march ; I was for calling upon her, and paying our respects 
to her at home ; I was for giving her to know that we, too, had 
a right of way over the seas, and that our marine officers and 
our sailors were not entire strangers on the bosom of the deep ; I 



8 

was for doing something more with our navy, than to keep it on 
our shores, for the protection of our own coasts and own harbors; I 
was for giving play to its gallant and burning spirit ; for allowing it 
to go forth upon the seas, and to encounter, on an open and an 
equal field, whatever the proudest or the bravest of the enemy could 
bring against it. I knew the character of its officers, and the spirit of 
its seamen ; and I knew that, in their hands, though the flag of the 
country might go down to the bottom, while they went with it, yet 
that it could never be dishonored or disgraced. 

Since she was our enemy — and a most powerful enemy — I was for 
touching her, if we could, in the very apple of her eye ; for reaching 
the highest feather in her cap ; for clutching at the very brightest jewel 
in her crown. There seemed to me to be a peculiar propriety in all 
this, as the war was undertaken for the redress of maritime in- 
juries alone. It was a war declared for free trade and sailors' rights. 
The ocean, therefore, was the proper theatre for deciding this contro- 
versy with our enemy, and on that theatre my ardent wish was, that 
our own power should be concentrated to the utmost. 

So much, sir, for the war, and for my conduct and opinions as con- 
nected with it. And, as I do not mean to recur to this subject often, 
nor ever, unless indispensably necessary, I repeat the demand for any 
charge, any accusation, any allegation whatever, that throws me be- 
hind the honorable gentleman, or behind any other man, in honor, in 
fidelity, in devoted love to that country in which I was born, which 
has honored me, and which I serve. I, who seldom deal in defiance, 
now, here, in my place, boldly defy the honorable member to put his 
insinuation in the form of a charge, and to support that charge by 
any proof whatever. 

The gentleman has adverted to the subject of slavery. On this 
subject, he says I have not proved myself a friend to the South. 
Why, sir, the only proof is, that I did nut vote tor his resolutions. 

Sir. this is a very grave matter, it is a subject, very exciting and 
i nflamma ble, i take, of course, all the responsibility belonging to my 
opinions; but I desire these opinions to be understood, and fairly 
stated, it' I am to be regarded as an enemy to the South, becau 
could not support the gentleman's resolutions, be it so. I cannot 
purchase favor, from any quarter, by the sacrifice of clear and con- 
scientious convictions. The principal resolution declared that Con- 
gress bad plighted its faith, not to interfere, either with slavery or the 
slave trade, in the District of Columbia. 

Now, sir, this is quite a new idea. I never heard it advanced 
until this session. 1 have heard gentlemen contend, that no such 
power was in the constitution ; hut the notion, that though the con- 
stitution contained uo prohibition, yet that Congress had plight- 
ed its faith, not to exercise such a power, is an entire novelty, so far 
m I know, i must say. mi-, n appeared to me little else than an 
attempt to put a prohibition into the constitution, because there was 
none there already. For this supposed plighting of the public faith, 
or the hotl, of Congress, 1 Baw no -round, either in the history of the 



Government, or in any one fact, or in any argument I therefore 
could not vote for the proposition. 

Sir, it is now several years, since I took care to make my opinion 
known, that this Government has, constitutionally,' nothing to do 
with .slavery, as it exists \n the Slates. That opinion is entirely 
unchanged, I stand steadily by the resolution of the House of Rep- 
resentatives, adopted, after much consideration, at the commencement 
of the Government — which was, that Congress have no authority to 
interfere in the emancipation of slaves, or in the treatment oi them, 
within any of the States : it remaining with the several States alone 
to provide any regulations therein, which humanity and true policy 
may require. This, in my opinion, is the constitution, and the law. 
I feel bound by it. I have quoted the resolution often. It expn 
the judgment of men of all-parts of the country, deliberately formed, 
in a cool time ; and it expresses my judgment, and I shall adhere to 
it. But this has nothing to do with the other constitutional question ; 
that is to say, the mere constitutional question, whether Congress has 
the power to regulate slavery and the slave trade, in the District of 
Columbia. 

On such a question,- sir, when I am asked what the consti- 
tution is, or whether any power granted by it, has been compromised 
away ; or, indeed, could be compromised away — I must express my 
honest opinion, and always shall express it, if I say any thing, not- 
withstanding it may not meet concurrence either in the South, or the 
North, or the East, or the West. I cannot express, by my vote, what 
I do not believe. 

He has chosen to bring that subject into this debate, with which 
it has no concern, but be may make the most of it, if he, thinks he 
can produce unfavorable impressions on the South, from my negative 
to his fifth resolution. As to the rest of them, they were common- 
places, generally, or abstractions; in regard to which, one may well 
not feel himself called on to vote at all. 

And now, sir, in regard to the tariff. That is a long chapter, but 
I am quite ready to go over it with the honorable member. 

He charges me with inconsistency. That may depend on deciding 
what inconsistency is, in respect to such subjects, and how it is to be 
proved. I will state the facts, for I have them in my mind somewhat 
more fully than the honorable member has himself presented them. 
Let us begin at the beginning. In 1816, 1 voted against the tariff 
law, which then passed. In 1S24, I again voted against the tariff 
law, which was then proposed, and which passed. A majority of New 
England votes, in 182A, was against the tariff system. The bill re- 
ceived but one vote from Massachusetts; but it passed. The policy 
was established ; New England acquiesced in it, conformed her 
business and pursuits to it ; embarked her capital, and employed her 
labor, in manufactures; and I certainly admit that, from that time, I 
have felt bound to support interests thus called into being, and into 
importance, by the settled policy of the Government. I have stated 



10 

this often here, and often elsewhere. The ground is defensible, and 
I maintain it. 

As to the resolutions adopted in Boston, in 1S20, and which reso- 
lutions he has caused to be read, and which he says he presumes I 
prepared, I have no recollection of having drawn the resolutions, 
and ao not believe I did. But I was at the meeting, and addressed 
the meeting, and what I said on that occasion has been produced 
here, and read in the Senate years ago. 

The resolutions, sir, were opposed to the commencing of a high tariff 
policy. I was opposed to it, and spoke against it — the city of Bos- 
ton was opposed to it — the Commonwealth of Massachusetts was 
opposed to it. Remember, sir, that this was in 1820. This oppo- 
sition continued till 1S24. The votes all show this. But in 1S24, 
the question was decided ; the Government entered upon the policy ; 
it invited men to embark their property and their means of living in 
it. Individuals have done this to a great extent ; and, therefore, I 
say, so long as the manufactures shall need reasonable and just pro- 
tection from Government, I shall be disposed to give it to them. 
What is there, sir, in all this, for the gentleman to complain of ? 
Would he have us always oppose the policy, adopted by the coun- 
try, on a great question ? Would he have minorities never submit 
to the will of majorities? 

I remember to have said, sir, at the meeting in Faneuil hall, that 
protection appeared to be regarded as incidental to revenue, and that 
the incident could not be carried fairly above the principal : in other 
words, that duties ought not to be laid for the mere object of protec- 
tion. I believe that was substantially correct. I believe that if the 
power of protection be inferred only from the revenue power, the 
protection could only be incidental. 

But, I have said in this place before, and I repeat now, that Mr. 
Madison's publication, after that period, and his declaration that the 
convention did intend to grant the power of protection, under the com- 
mercial clause, placed the subject in a new and a clear light I will 
add, sir, that a paper drawn up by Dr. Franklin, and read by him to 
a circle of friends in Philadelphia, on the eve of the assembling of 
the convention, respecting the powers which the proposed new Gov- 
ernment ought to possess, shows, perfectly plainly, that, in regulating 
commerce, it was expected Congress would adopt a course, which 
should, to some degree, protect the manufactures of the North. He 
certainly went into the convention himself under that conviction. 

Well, sir, and now what does the gentleman make out against me 
in relation to the tariff? What laurels does he gather in this part of 
Africa? I opposed the policy of the tariff, until it had become the 
settled and established policy of the country. I have never ques- 
tioned the constitutional power of Congress to grant protection, ex- 
cept so far as the remark :_ r ocs, made in Faneuil hall, which remark 
respects only the length to which protection might properly be car- 
ried, so far as the power is derived from the authority to lay duties 
on imports, lint the policy being established, and a great part of 



11 



the country having placed vast interests at stake in it, I have not 
disturbed it ; on the contrary, I have insisted that it ought not 
to be disturbed. If there be inconsistency in all this the gentleman 
is at liberty to blazon it forth ; let him see what he can make of it. 
Here, sir, I cease to speak of myself; and respectfully ask pardon 
of the Senate for having so long detained it, upon any thing so un- 
important as what relates merely to my own public conduct and 
opinions. 

Sir, the honorable member is pleased to suppose that our spleen is 
excited, because he has interfered to snatch from us a victory oyer 
the Administration. If he means by this any personal disappoint- 
ment, I shall not think it worth while to make a remark upon it. If 
he means a disappointment at his quitting us while we were endeav- 
oring to arrest the present policy of the Administration, why, then, 
I admit, sir, that I, for one, felt that disappointment deeply. It is 
the policy of the Administration, its principles, and its measures, 
which I oppose. It is not persons, but things ; not men, but meas- 
ures. I do wish most fervently to put an end to this anti-commercial 
policy ; and if the overthrow of the policy shall be followed by the 
political defeat of its authors, why, sir, it is a result which I shall 
endeavor to meet with equanimity. 

Sir, as to the honorable member's rescuing the victory from us, or 
as to his ability to sustain the Administration in this policy, there 
may be a drachm of a scruple about that. I trust the citadel will 
yet be stormed, and carried, by the force of public opinion, and that 
no Hector will be able to defend its walls. 

But now, sir, I must advert to a declaration of the honorable mem- 
ber, which, I confess did surpriss me. The honorable member says, 
that, personally, he and myself have been on friendly terms, but that 
we always differed on great constitutional questions ! Sir, this is 
astounding. And yet I was partly prepared for it ; for I sat here the 
other day, and held my breath, while the honorable gentleman de- 
clared and repeated, that he always belonged to the State-rights 
party ! And he means, by what he has declared to-day, that he has 
always given to the Constitution a construction more limited, better 
guarded, less favorable to the extension of the powers of this Gov- 
ernment, than that which I have given to it. He has always inter- 
preted it according to the strict doctrine of the school of State rights ! 
Sir, if the honorable member ever belonged, until very lately, to the 
State-rights party, the connexion was very much like a secret mar- 
riage. And never was secret better kept. Not only were the espous- 
als not acknowledged, but all suspicion was avoided. There was 
no known familiarity, or even kindness between them. On the con- 
trary, they acted like parties who were not at all fond of each other's 
company. 

Sir, is there a man, in my hearing, among all the gentlemen now 
surrounding us, many of whom of both Houses, have been here many 
years, and know the'gentleman and myself, perfectly ; is thexe one, 
who ever heard, supposed, or dreamedj that the honorable member 



12 

belonged to the State-rights party before the year 1825? Can any- 
such connexion be proved upon him — can he prove it upon himself, 
before that time? 

Sir, I will show you, before I resume my seat, that it was nut until 
after the gentleman took his scat. in the chair which you now occupy, 
that any public manifestation, or intimation, was ever given by him, 
of his having embraced the peculiar doctrines of the State-rights 
party. 

The truth is, sir, the honorable gentleman bad acted a very impor- 
tant and useful pari during the war. But the war terminated. To- 
ward the close of the session of lSl-l-To, we received the news of 
peace. This closed the 13th Congress. In the fall of 1815, the 1 1th 
Congress assembled. It was full of ability, and the honorable gen- 
tleman stood high among its distinguished members. He remained 
in the House, sir, through the whole of that Congress; and now, sir, 
it is easy to be shown, that during those two years, the honorable 
gentleman took a decided lead, in all those great measures, which he 
has since so often denounced, as unconstitutional and oppressive — the 
bank, the tariff, and internal improvements. The war being ter- 
minal d. the gentleman's mind turned itself toward internal adminis- 
tration and improvement. He surveyed the whole country, contem- 
plated all its resources, saw what it was capable of becoming, and 
held a political faith, not so narrow and contracted as to restrain him 
from useful and efficient action. He was, therefore, at once, a full 
length ahead of all others, in measures, which were national, and 
which required a broad and liberal construction of the constitution. 
This is historic truth. Of his agency in the hank, and other measures 
connected with the currency, I have already spoken, and I do not un- 
derstand him to deny any thing I have said, in thai particular. In- 
deed, I have said nothing capable of denial. 

Now allow me a few words upon the tariff. The tariff of 1S16 
was distinctly a South Carolina measure. Look at the votes, and you 
will see it. It was a tariff, for the benefit of South Carolina interests, 
and carried through Congress by South Carolina votes, and Smith 
Carolina influence. Even the minimum, sir, the so-mudi-reproach- 
ed, the abominable minimum, that subjecl of so much angry indig- 
nation and wrathful rhetoric, is of Southern origin, and has a South 
Carolina parentage. 

Sir, the contesl on that occasion was. cbiefly, between the cotton- 
growers at h< s, and the importers oi cotton fabrics from India. 

These India fabrics were made from the cotton of thai country. The 
j pie of this country wore \\s\wj. cotton fabrics, noi made oi Ameri- 
can cotton, and, so far, they were diminishing the demand for such 
cotton. The importation of India cottons was then very large, and 
tins hill was designed to pul an end to it. and, with the help of the 
minimum, il did put an end to it. The cotton manufactures oi the 
North were then in their infancy. They had some friends in Con- 
_'i'< ss, but if I recollect, the majority o( Massachusetts members, and 
of New England members were against this cotton tariff oi l s 1(3. I 



13 

remember well, that the main debate was, between the importers of 
India cottons, in the North, and the cotton-growers of the South. The 
geBtleman carinot deny the truth of this Or any part of it. Boston 
Opposed this tariff, and Salem opposed it, warmly and vigorously. 
But the honorable member supported it, and the law passed. And 
now be it always remembered, sir, that that art passed on the pro- 
fessed ground of protection; that it had in it the minimum princi- 
ple, and that the honorable member and other leading gentlemen 
from his own State, supported it, voted for it, and carried it through 
Congress. 

And now, sir, we come to the doctrine of internal improve- 
ment — that other usurpation, that other oppression, which has come 
so near to justifying violent abruption of the Government, and scat- 
tering the fragments of the Union to the four winds. Have the 
gentleman's State-rights opinions always kept him aloof from such 
unhallowed infringements of the constitution ? He says he always 
differed with me on constitutional questions. How was it in this, 
most important, particular ? Has he here stood on the ramparts, 
brandishing his glittering sword against assailants, and holding out a 
banner of defiance ? Sir — sir — sir — it is an indisputable truth, that he 
is himself the man — the ipse that first brought forward, in Con- 
gress, a scheme of general internal improvement, at the expense, and 
under the authority of this Government. He, sir, is the very man, 
the ipsissimus ipse, who, considerately, and on a settled system, be- 
gan these unconstitutional measures, if they be unconstitutional. And 
now for the proof. 

The act incorporating the Bank of the United States was passed in 
April, 1S16. For the privileges of the charter, the proprietors of the 
bank were to pay to Government a bonus, as it was called, of one 
million five hundred thousand dollars, in certain instalments. Gov- 
ernment also took seven millions in the stock of the bank. Early in 
the next session of Congress — that is, in December, 1S16 — the honor- 
able member moved, in the House of Representatives, that a commit- 
tee be appointed to consider the propriety of setting apart this bonus, 
and also the dividends on the stock belonging to the United States, as 
a permanent fund for internal improvement. The committee was 
appointed, and the honorable member was made its chairman. He 
thus originated the plan, and took the lead in its execution. Shortly 
afterwards, he reported a bill carrying put the objects for which the 
committee had been appointed. This bill provided that the dividends 
on the seven millions of bank stock belonging to Government, and 
also the whole of the bonus, should be permanently pledged, as a fund 
for constructing roads and canals; and th^t this fund should be sub- 
ject to such specific appropriations as Congress might thereafter 
make. 

This was the bill ; and this was the first project ever brought for- 
ward, in Congress, for a system of internal improvements. The 
bill goes the whole doctrine, at a single jump. The Cumberland road, 
it is true, was already in progress; and for that the gentleman had 



14 



also voted. But there were, and are now, peculiarities about that par- 
ticular expenditure, which sometimes satisfy scrupulous consciences; 
but this bill of the gentleman's, without equivocation or saving 
clause— without if, or and, or but— occupied the whole ground at 
once, and announced internal improvement as one of the objects of 
this Government, on a grand and systematic plan. The bill, sir, 
seemed, indeed, too strong. It was thought, by persons not esteemed 
extremely jealous of State rights, to evince, nevertheless, too little 
regard to the will of the States. Several gentlemen opposed the 
measure, in that shape, on that account; and among them Colonel 
Pickering, then one of the representatives from Massachusetts. Even 
Timothy'Picb iring could not quite sanction, nor concur in, the hon- 
orable gentleman's doctrines, to their full extent, although he favored 
the measure in its general character. He, therefore, prepared an 
amendment, as a substitute; and his substitute provided for two very 
important things, not embraced in the original bill: 

First, that the proportion of the fund to be expended in each State, 
respectively, should be in proportion to the number of its inhabit- 
ants. 

Second, that the money should be applied in constructing such 
roads, canals, &c., in the several States, as Congress might direct, 
with the assent of the State. 

This, sir, was Timothy Pickering's amendment of the honorable 
gentleman's bill. And now, sir, how did the honorable gentleman, 
who has always belonged to the State-rights party, how did he treat 
this amendment, or this substitute? Which way. do you think, his 
State-rights doctrine led him? Why, sir, I will tell you. lie imme- 
diately rose, and moved to strike out the words "with the assent of 
the State ! Here is the journal under my hand, sir ; and here is the 
gentleman's motion. And certainly, sir. it will be admitted, that 
this motion was not of a nature to intimate that he had become wed- 
ded to State rights. But the words were not stricken out. The 
motion did not prevail. Mr. Pickering's substitute was adopted, and 
the bill passed the House in that form. 

In Committee of the Whole on this bill, sir, the honorable mem- 
ber made a very able speech, both on the policy of internal improve- 
ments, and the power of Congress over the subject These points 
were fully argued by him. He spoke of the importance of the sys- 
tem ; the vast good it would produce, and its favorable effect on the 
union of the States. -Lot us, then," said he, -bind the republic 
together, with a perfect system of toads and canals. Let us conquer 
space. It is thus the most distant parts of the republic will be 
brought within a few days' travel of the centre ; it is thus that a 
citizen of the West will reac! the news of Boston still moid from the 

press." 

But on the power of Congress to make internal improvements; 
ay, sir, on the powerofConj hear him ! What were then his 

rules of construction and interpretation? How did heat that time 
read ,ind understand the constitution ? Why, sir, he said that "ho 



15 

was no advocate for refined arguments on the constitution. The 
instrument was not intended as a thesis for the logician to exercise 
his ingenuity on. It ought to be construed with plain good sense." 
This is all very just, I think, sir ; and he said much more. He 
quoted many instances of laws, passed, as he contended, on similar 
principles, and then added, that " he introduced these instances to 
prove the uniform sense of Congress, and of the country, (for they 
had not been objected to,) as to our powers ; and surely," said he, 
"they furnish better evidence of the true interpretation of the consti- 
tution, than the most refined and subtile arguments." 

Here you see, Mr. President, how little original I am. You have 
heard me, again and again, contending in my place here for the 
stability of that which has been long settled; you have heard me, till I 
dare say you have been tired, insisting that the sense of Congress, so 
often expressed, and the sense of the country, so fully known, and so 
firmly established, ought to be regarded as having decided, finally, cer- 
tain constitutional questions. You see now, sir, what authority I have 
for this mode of argument. But while the scholar is learning, the 
teacher renounces. Will he apply his old doctrine, now — I sincerely 
wish he would — to the question of the bank, to the question of the 
receiving of bank notes by Government, to the power of Congress 
over the paper currency ? Will he, sir, will he admit that those ought 
to be regarded as decided, by the settled sense- of Congress and of the 
country? Oh! no. Far otherwise. From these rules of judgment, 
and from the influence of all considerations of this practical nature, 
the honorable member now takes these questions with him into the 
upper heights of metaphysics, into the regions of those refinements, 
and subtile arguments, which he rejected, with so much decision in 
IS 17, as appears by this speech. He quits his old ground of com- 
mon sense, experience, and the general understanding of the country, 
for a flight among theories and abstractions. 

And now, sir, let me ask, when did the honorable member relin- 
quish these early opinions and principles of his? When did he make 
known his adhesion to the doctrines of the State-rights party ? We 
have been speaking of transactions in 1S16 and 1S17. What the 
gentleman's opinions then were, we have seen. But when did he 
announce himself a State-rights man ? I have already said, sir, that 
nobody knew of his claiming that cbaracter until after the com- 
mencement of 1825 ; and I have said so, because I have before me 
an address of his to his neighbors at Abbeville, in May of that year, 
in which he recounts, very properly, the principal incidents in his 
career, as a member of Congress, and as head of a Department ; 
and in which he says that, as a member of Congress, he h;id given 
his zealous efforts in favor of a restoration of specie currency; of a 
due protection of those manufactures which had taken root during 
the war, and, finally, of a system for connecting the various parts of 
the country by a judicious system of internal improvement. 

And he adds, that it afterwards became his duty, as a member of 
the Administration, to aid in sustaining, against the boldest assaults, 



16 

those very measures, which, as a member of Congress, he had con- 
tributed to establish. 

And now, sir, since the honorable gentleman says he differed from 
in'' on constitutional questions, will he be pleased to say what con- 
stitutional opinion I have ever expressed, for which I have not his 
express authority ? Is it on the bank power? the tariff power ? the 
power of internal improvement • I naye shown his votes, his 
speeches, and his conduct, on all these subjects, up to the time when 
General Jackson became a candidate for the Presidency. From thai 
time, sir, I know we have differed ; but if there was any difference 
before that time, I call upon him to point it out — what was the oc- 
casion, what the question, and what the difference ? And if, before 
that period, sir, by any speech, any vote, any public proceeding, or 
by any other mode of announcement whatever'he lmw the world 
to know that he belonged to the States-right party, I hop.' he will 
now he kind enough to produce it, or to refer to it, or to tell us where 
we may look for it. 

Sir, I will pursue this topic no farther. 1 would not have pursued 
it so far — I would not have entered upon it at all — had it not been 
for the astonishment I felt, mingled, I confess, with something of 
warmer feeling, when the honorable gentleman declared that he had 
always differed from me on constitutional questions. 

Sir, the honorable member read a quotation or two from a speech 
of mine in 1816, on the currency or bank question. With what in- 
tent, or to what end ? What inconsistency does he show? Speak- 
ing of the legal currency of the country, that is. the coin. I then said 
it was in a good state. Was not that true ? I was speaking of the 
legal currency: of thai which the law made ;i tender. And how is 
that inconsistent with any thing said by me now. or ever said by me? 
I declined then, he says, thai the trainers of this Government were 
hard-money men. Certainly they were. But, arc not the friends of 
a convertible paper hard-money men^ in every practical and sen- 
sible meaning of the term? Did I. in that speech, or any other, insist 
on excluding all convertible paper from the uses of society ? Most 
assuredly I did not [ never quite so fai lost my wits, I think. There 
is but a single sentence in that speech which I should qualify it' 1 vvere 
to deliver it again — and that the honorable member has not noticed. It 
is a paragraph respecting the power of Congress over the circulation 
of State hanks, which might perhaps need explanation or correction. 
i Inderstanding it as applicable to the case then before Congress, all 
the rest is perfectly accordant with my present opinions. It is well 
known that 1 never doubted the power of Congress to create a hank: 
that 1 was always in favor of a bask, constituted on proper princi- 
ples; that 1 voted tor the hank bill of 1815, and opposed that of 
1 si 6 only on accounl of one or two of in provisions, which I and 
..tiers hoped to he able to strike out. 1 am a hard-money man. an. 1 
always have been, and always shall be. But 1 know the great use 
of such hank paper as is convertible into hard money, on demand; 






17 

which may be called specie paper, and which is equivalent to specie 
in value, and much more convenient and useful. 

On the other hand, I abhor all irredeemable paper ; all old-fash- 
ioned paper money; all deceptive promises; every thing, indeed, in 
the shape of paper issued for circulation, whether by Government 
or individuals, which may not be turned into specie at the will of 
the holder. 

But, sir, 1 have insisted that Government is bound to protect and 
regulate the means of commerce, to see that there is a sound currency, 
for the use of the people. 

The honorable gentleman asks, what then is the limit? Must Con- 
gress also furnish all means of commerce ? Must it furnish weights 
and scales, and steelyards ? Most undoubtedly, sir, it must regulate 
weights and measures, and it does so. But the answer to the general 
question is very obvious. Government must furnish all that whichnone 
but Government can furnish. Government must do that for individuals 
which individuals cannot do for themselves. That is the very end of 
Government. Why, else, have we a Government? And can indi- 
viduals make a currency ? Can individuals regulate money? The 
distinction is as broad and plain as the Pennsylvania avenue. No 
man can mistake it, or well blunder out of it. The gentleman asks 
if Government must furnish for the people ships, and boats, and 
wagons. Certainly not. The gentleman here only recites the Presi- 
dent's message of September. These things, and all such things, the 
people can furnish for themselves; but they cannot make a currency; 
they cannot, individually, decide what shall be the money of the 
country. That, every body knows, is one of the prerogatives and 
one of the duties of Government; and a duty which I think we are 
most unwisely neglecting. We may as well leave the people to make 
war and to make peace, each man for himself, as to leave to individ- 
uals the regulation of commerce and currency. 

Mr. President, there are other remarks of the gentleman of which 
I might take notice. But, should I do so, I could only repeat what I 
have already said, either now or heretofore. 1 shall, therefore, not 
now allude to them. 

My principal purpose, in what I have said, has been : first, to de- 
fend myself— that was my first object ; and next, as the honorable 
member has attempted to take to himself the character of a strict con- 
structionist, and a State-rights man, and on that basis to show a dif- 
ference, not favorable to me, between his constitutional opinions and 
my own, heretofore, it has been my intention to show that the power 
to create a bank, the power to regulate the currency by other and di- 
rect means, the power to lay a protecting tariff, and the power of 
internal improvement, in its broadest sense, are all powers which the 
honorable gentleman himself has supported, has acted on, and in 
the exercise of which, indeed, he has taken a distinguished lead in 
the councils of Congress. 

If this has been done, my purpose is answered. I do not wish to 
prolong the discussion, nor to spin it out into a colloquy. If the hon- 
2 



IS 

orable member has any tiling new to bring forward; if he has any 
charge to mgke — any proof, or any specification; if he has any thing to 
advance against my opinions or my conduct, my honor or patriotism, 
I am still at home. I am here. If not, then, so far as I am concern- 
ed, this discussion will here terminate. 

I will say a few words, before I resume my seat, on the motion 
now pending. That motion is, to strike out the specie-paying pan 
of the bill. I have a suspicion, sir, thai the motion will prevail. If 
it should, it will leave a great vacuum; and how shall that vacuum 
be filled ? 

The part proposed to be struck out, is that which requires all debts 
to Government to be paid in specie. It makes a good provision for 
Government, and for public men, through all classes. The Secretaiy 
of the Treasury, in his letter, at the last session, was still more watch- 
ful of the interests of the holders of office. He assured us, bad as the 
tunes were, and notwithstanding the floods of bad paper which delu- 
ged the country, members of Congress should get specie. 

In my opinion, sir, this is beginning the use of good money, in 
payments, at the wrong end of the list. If there be bad money in 
the country, I think that Secretaries and other executive officers, and 
especially members of Congress, should be the last to receive any good 
money; because they have the power, if they will do their duty, and 
exercise the power, of making the money of the country good for all. 
I think, sir, it was a leading feature in Mr. Burke's famous bill for 
economical reform, that he provided, first of all, for those who are 
least able to secure themselves. Every body else was to be well 
paid all they were entitled to, before the ministers of the Crown, and 
other political characters, should have any thing. This seems to me 
very right. But we have a precedent, sir, in our own country, more 
directly to the purpose; and as that which we now hope to strike 
out is the part of the bill furnished, or proposed originally by the 
honorable member from South Carolina, it will naturally devolve 
on him to Bupply its place. I wish therefore to draw his particular 
attention to this precedent, which I am now about to prodii' 

Most members of the Senate will remember, that, before the estab- 
lishment of this Government, and before, or about the tunc, that the 
territory which now constitutes the State of Tennessee was ceded to 
Congress, the, inhabitants of the eastern part of that territory establish- 
< 'I a government for themselves, and called it the State of Franklin. 
They adopt, d a vei) good constitution, divided into the usual 
branches of Legislate e, executive, and judicial power. They laid and 
collected taxes, and pi rformed other usual acts of legislation. They 
had. tor the present, if is true, no maritime possessions, yet they fol- 
lowed the common forms in constituting high officers; and their 
>vernoi w;r; nol only captain generaJ and commander-in-chief, but 
admiral also, so that the na\ y might have a commander when there 
should be a n ivy. 

Weil, ir, the current y in this S i ate oi Franklin became very much 
deranged. Specie was sc fee, and ually scarce were the notes of 






19 

specie-paying banks. But the legislature did not propose any divorce 
of government and people ; they did not seek to establish two cur- 
rencies, one for men in o trice, and one for the rest of the community. 
They were content with neighbor's fare. It became necessary to pass 
what we should call, now-a-days, the civil-list appropriation-bill. 
They passed such a bill ; and when we shall have made a void in 
the bill now before us, by striking out specie payments, for Govern- 
ment, I recommend to its friends to fill the gap, by inserting, if not the 
same provisions as were in the law of the State of Franklin, at least 
something in the same spirit. 

The preamble of that law, sir, begins by reciting, that the collection 
of taxes, in specie, had become very oppressive to the good people 
of the commonwealth, for the want of a circulating medium. A 
parallel case to ours, sir, exactly. It recites further, sir, that it is the 
duty of the legislature to hear, at all times, the prayer of their con- 
stituents, and apply as speedy a remedy as lies in their power. These 
sentiments are very just, sir, and I sincerely wish there was a thorough 
disposition here, to adopt the like. 

Acting under the influence of these sound opinions, sir, the legisla- 
ture of Franklin passed a law, for the support of the civil list, which, 
as it is short, I will beg permission to read : 

" Be it enacted by the General Assembly of the State of Franklin, 
and it is hereby enacted by the authority of the same, That, from the 
first day of January, A. D. 1789, the salaries of the civil officers of 
this commonwealth be as follow, to wit : 

; ' His excellency the governor,^er annum, one thousand deer skins ; 
his honor, the chief justice, five hundred do. do ; the attorney gene- 
ral, five hundred do. do. ; secretary to his excellency the governor, 
five hundred racoon do. ; the treasurer of the State, four hundred 
and fifty otter do. ; each county clerk, three hundred beaver do. ; 
clerk of the house of commons, two hundred racoon do. ; members 
of assembly, per diem, three do. do. ; justice's fee for signing a war- 
rant, one muskrat do. ; to the constable, for serving a warrant, one 
mink do. 

" Enacted into a law this 18th day of October, 1788, under the great 
c eal of the State. 

" Witness his excellency, &c. 

" Governor, captain-general, commander-in-chief, 
"and admiral in and over said Stated 

This, sir, is the law, the spirit of which I commend to gentlemen. 
I will not speak of the appropriateness of these several allowances 
for the civil list. But the example is good, and I am of opinion, 
that until Congress shall perform its duty, by seeing that the country 
enjoys a good currency, the same medium which the people are 
obliged to use, whether it be skins or rags, is good enough for its 
own members. 



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